By L. Memo Singh
After several months of enforced idleness in Delhi, Laldenga, the
leader of MNF (Mizo National Front) was scheduled to meet Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi on 31 October 1984 – the day she was assassinated. The
situation compelled him to leave for London. He returned early in August
1985, with the expectation of signing the Mizo Accord with Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
After five years in the Chittagong forests of East Pakistan and
several years outside, he returned to India in 1976 and in February that
year signed an accord with the Government of India. After Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi was swept away from power, Laldenga made
approaches to the Janata Government and later to Charan Singh ;s
Government. He did not succeed in fulfilling his political ambition of
being installed as the Chief Minister of Mizo land. When Mrs. Gandhi
returned to power in 1980, Laldenga again started the dialogue.
A retired Army Havildar, Laldenga founded the Mizo National Famine
Front in 1956-57 when the Assam Government failed to deal with the
“Maotam” famine in the Lushai Hills. That was how the land of Mizo’shad
bourgeoned embryonic before it becomes a Union Territory. The word
Maotam owes its origin to the flowering of the wild bamboo once in 59
years. The bamboo fruit, relished by rodents contains an alkaloid which
enhances their fertility many times over. Rats multiply and destroy
crops and consume all the grain.
On 22 October, 1961, Laldenga formed the Mizo National Front(MNF) and
its armed wing, MNA. He openly came out for cessation and independence
and after a few bloody clashes with the security forces crosses over
into East Pakistan. He was arrested and brought back to Assam in 1963.
Chaliha, the Chief Minister of Assam saw in Laldenga the potential to
neutralise the Anti congressMizo Union Party.Laldengaresponded
positively to Chaliha’s overtures and even managed to secure an
acquittal from the charge of treason. On 28 February 1966, he suddenly
declared independence of Mizoram and again started the insurgency.
During the last tenure of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the venerable and elder
diplomate with a long record of service to the country, who had been
conducting negotiations with Laldenga for almost four years was G.
Parthasarathy (known as G.P). He was the policy planning Advisor to the
Prime Minister in the Ministry of External Affairs, a close advisor to
Indira Gandhi,Parthasarathy enjoyed the rank of a Cabinet Minister.
After the signing of the Assam Accord on 15th August, 1985, Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi had taken up the Mizo issue. He studied the draft
of an agreement and a note by G. Parthasarathy. He marked certain
paragraphs of the draft in bold fluorescentyellow and orange colours.
The draft had been ready for the past ten months. The Prime Minister
suddenly decided to take away the negotiations from G. Parthasarathy and
hand them over to R.D. Pradhan, the Home Secretary who had worked
closely with Rajiv Gandhi in the past eight months on Punjab and Assam.
Handing over a sheaf of papers to the Home Secretary, the Prime
Minister said,”Pradhanji, I won’t agree with this,” He added, Laldenga
is becoming impossible. I want you to handle the negotiations
henceforth. Make sure that he understands that the Government of India
will not sign any document containing these paras in orange. Those in
yellow will not be modified.
Earlier, the Home Secretary, R.D. Pradhan hardly knew anything about
the Mizo’s and their land except for knowing that the Union Territory
was situated on India’s eastern borders. For him, the Mizo National
Front(MNF) and their leader Laldenga were names that he had seen in the
Home Ministry’s files.
After handing over the sheaf of papers to R. Vasudevan, his Joint
Secretary dealing with the North-East, the Home Secretary glanced
through sme tourist literature on Mizoram to get a general idea of the
place. He was fully confident of his Joint Secretary who belonged to the
IAS cadre of Maharashtra. R. Vasudevan was a quiet, efficient officer
through in his work. The Home Secretary spent a couple of hours with R.
Vasudevan, with great thoroughness; the Joint Secretary also briefed him
about the issues involved.
The Home Secretary also went to Parthasarathy’s office to get a
briefing from him about his talks with Laldenga. G.P. with the serenity
and detachment that was his hallmark, explained to him the various
issues. He also offered to help him, in whatever way he could.
Parthasarathy also told him of the good impression he had formed of R.
Vasudevan, the Joint Secretary.
Laldenga was already in Delhi. He was the guest of the Government of
India. The Indian security agencies were looking after him and his
colleagues from the underground who had come over the assist him.
Laldenga’s past was not only colourful; it also showed he was
untrustworthy. He had visited China, East Pakistan, West Germany and
even Kabul and Karachi in search of support for his cause. There was a
suspicious that some international agencies might be helping him. On the
other hand the Indian security agencies had also kept in close touch
with him. S. Swaminathan, a Senior RAW Officer who had established a
good relationship with Laldenga, was also a very old friend of R.D.
Pradhan. This luckily coincidence and his link with Laldengawas to prove
very useful to him. R.D. Pradhan felt safe indealing with a
high-profile insurgent, who had in the past two decades earned a
reputation for his cunning and craftiness in negotiations.
In the early part of September, 1985, the Union Home Secretary, R.D.
Pardhan invited Laldenga to his office. Laldenga had assumed that
agreement on all matters had been reached with Parthasarathy and that
the meeting with the Home Secretary was a mere formality. He was
accompanied by two of his aides from the underground. The Home Secretary
greeted Laldenga and his colleagues. Laldenga was stiff and formal. He
was dressed in a carefully pressed brown suit and a bright red tie. A
small compact-bodies man, he looked remarkably fit. His two associates
were of athletic build. They were from the Mizo National Army (MNA) and
had undergone years of hardship in no man’s land, across borders in
Burma, East Pakistan (Bangladesh). They had small piercing bright eyes,
and their body language showed that they were trained to survive in the
jungles.
On entering the room of the Home Secretary, Laldenga, with his
steel-rimmed thick glasses wore a puzzled look.Perhaps he found it infra
dig to be summoned to meet the Home Secretary. He was dealing with a
Cabinet level official and was looking forward to meeting the Prime
Minister to formally conclude the accord.
After making sure that Laldenga had a few minutes to contemplate the
new situation in which he was to soon find himself, the Home Secretary
looked at his Joint Secretary, R. Vasudevan to make an opening move.
Vasudevan had earlier met Laldenga in Parthasarathy’s office. He
enquired whether they were being properly looked after. Laldenga replied
curtly and for information for the Home Secretary, “Too well !we have
been in Delhi for several months. In fact, last year I was to meet Mrs.
Gandhi on 31 October the day she was assassinated”.
It was true that with the generosity of the Government of India after
the unfortunate occurrence Laldenga had gone to London to spend
Christmas with his wife and daughter. The Home Secretary enquired about
the progress of his talks. Emphasising each word, Laldenga said in his
clipped accent, “Mr. Home Secretary, I presume the meeting is in the
nature of a courtesy call. My talks with Mr.Parthasarathy have advanced a
great deal. In fact, except for making arrangement for my people in the
underground to come out in the open everything has been finalised. I am
waiting to meet the Prime Minister to sort out the political issues.”
In the past, on four different occasions, Laldenga had either reneged
on the agreement or left Indian in a huff because he could not get
theChief Ministership of Mizoram, as a price for giving up insurgency
and the demand for independence.The Home Secretary, keeping in view
Laldenga’s political bargain that was equally important for him and his
unpalatable acts, as politely as he could told Laldenga that henceforth
he would have to talk to the Home Secretary instead. The Home Secretary
also hinted that some matters that Laldenga had discussed with
Parthasarathy required looking into a fresh.
Laldenga’s reaction was predictable. He was visibly upset. The Home
Secretary could sense the anger building up within him. There was a
reddish glow on his face and the veins on his forehead were throbbing.
His two colleagues were looking intently at their leader. Controlling
his anger he said, “Mr. Home Secretary, if you propose to reopen and go
back on what has been agreed upon I shall return to the jungles and take
up arms. There will be bloodshed again and you will be responsible for
that.”
Just then tea was served. Taking the opportunity in stirring sugar in
his cup the Home Secretary thought of his reaction. He did not forget
the brief given to him by the Prime Minister himself : to engage
Laldenga in talks and retrieve some of the ground that had already been
conceded to him. He said,”Mr. Laldenga we are meeting for the first
time. you don’t know me. I don’t know you.” After a pause, “But, I do
know that you are still the leader of an insurgency. Today you are in
Delhi under some kind of guarantees regarding your persons.”
After the pose of a few second, the Home Secretary added, “If I have
heard you right, you have threatened me. You have talked of bloodshed.
You are in the room of the Union Home Secretary. If what I have
understood is correct, I shall have to take action that the law requires
me to take.” Laldenga looked at his colleagues and turning his head
looked intently at the Home Secretary. Almost eyeball to eyeball. The
Joint Secretary, R. Vasudevan was anxiously looking at both of them.
Then, instead of a volcanic eruption of temper, Laldenga broke into
laughter and said, “Mr. Home Secretary, it seems I can do business with
you. You appear to be a pretty straightforward person.”
Laldenga must have known the trust that the Prime Minister reposed in
the Home Secretary who had regarded Laldenga as a consummate actor and
admitted that he had proved his charismatic leadership and how otherwise
would hundreds of young Mizos spend the best years of their life in the
underground, in one of the most inhospitable of jungles.
The talks of R.D. Pradhan, the Union Home Secretary with Laldenga
thus started. The difficult task which the Home Secretary had on hand
was that he had to ‘withdraw’ certain concessions already made by
Parthasarathy and also obtain Laldenga’s agreement on a couple of new
points raised by the Prime Minister himself.
One important matter in these talks with Laldenga was the modalities
for his armed men underground to come out lay down their arms and be
helped to integrate in their beloved Mizo society. It was the exclusive
preserve of the Home Ministry. The Home Secretary took full advantage of
that to drag out the negotiations, till he had achieved the task that
PM had entrusted to him.
During the subsequent long process Rajiv Gandhi kept his
understanding with the Home Secretary. Despite several efforts on behalf
of Laldenga to make direct overtures, PM did not meet him. He did not
want to come on the scene himself too soon. The only senior minister
whom Laldenga could meet was S.B. Chavan, the Home Minister, who allowed
the Home Secretary to full freedom to handle Laldenga. He came in only
when the talks got bagged down. The Home Secretary also wanted to ensure
that all major concessions were made by the Home Minister. It was his
privilege.
As soon as Laldenga came to know that some matters settled between
Parthasarathy and him were proposed to reopen, the crafty leader began
to make his own moves. He started meeting opposition leaders, as
probably advised by his counsel, SwarajKaushal, who later became the
Governor of Mizoram during V.P. Singh’s regime. In the beginning of
October, 1985, Laldenga even leaked to the press the full text of the
agreement reached between him and Partharasathy. He obviously wanted the
world to know that Rajiv Gandhi was going back on what had been agreed.
That was one way of putting pressure on the Government of India.
One day when Rajiv Gandhi met the Home Secretary, the Prime Minister
asked him addressing as such, “Yours good friend Laldenga.” The Home
Secretary responded, “He’s great. Our love affairs has just started. I
must have some more time to allow our relationship to flowers !”
laughingly Rajiv Gandhi said, “Take your own time. I will not accept
anything that contains those objectionable portions.”
Basically, there were three issues that rightly bothered the Prime Minister.
The first related to the assurance that with the signing of the
accord all prosecutions against MNF members would be withdrawn, whatever
may be the nature of the offence committed by them during the entire
period of insurgency. They were to be granted pardon.
Secondly, no Act of Parliament in respect of resources under the land
in Mizoram shall apply, unless the State Assembly resolved that it
should apply.
The third demand was for statehood, a separate High Court and a university.
On the first point, the Prime Minister’s objection was consistent
with the policy followed by the Home Ministry since independence. There
was no question of granting pardon to those who had committed a heinous
crime. The second objection arose from problems that had arisen in
Nagaland, where under Art. 371(I) of the Constituency, no Act of
Parliament in respect of “ownership and transfer of land and its
resources,” would automatically apply to Nagaland. There had been a
series of problems because of the three words ‘and its resources’. ONGC
(Oil & Natural Gas Commission) had not been able to carry out its
exploration work smoothly; several other agencies of the Government of
India were facing problems. Some central government officials had even
been murdered. PM did not want a repeat of that in Mizoram. Nagaland
issues were already before the Supreme Court on the third issue there
was no difficulty in principle.
Laldenga tried his best to stall the negotiations at the point they
were ‘concluded’ with Parthasarathy. On the part of the Home Secretary,
he took the line that unless he was ready to reopen those issues, there
would be no agreement on any scheme for the MNF army to come out in the
open. In fact, at that stage, the negotiations were being closely
monitored by the so called commander –in-Chief of the Mizo National
Army, Tawnluia. He invariably accompanied Laldenga in his meetings with
the Home Secretary.
Laldenga was becoming increasingly relaxed and friendly. Once he
thanked the Home Secretary and with a good gesture the Home Secretary
told him, “Laldenga, in an interview with Surya magazine, you have said
that you are the Government of India’s guest. We must look after you
that’s our tradition.”
Laldenga had a hearty laugh. Taking advantage of his good mood the
Home Secretary said, “Now let me tell you something more important-you
have also said in that interview: “until I sign an agreement, I won’t
call myself an Indian. In a more serious vein the Home Secretary said,
“As Home Secretary I have no business to negotiate with a foreigner. In
fact, because you abjured violence and gave us a written understanding
that you would discuss within the frame work of the constitution, I am
meeting you now.
Laldenga was showing the effects of the soft life. Months of enforced
idleness in Delhi, interspersed with occasional talks with the Home
Secretary or courtesy calls on the Home Minister, were showing its
effects. He longed to be with his people but he would not go to Mizoram,
fearing assassination. Nor could he go to London empty handed. He
talked to the Home Secretary about his arifeand only laughter, who were
in London. The Home Secretary learnt from his friend Swamy, the RAW
official how they were being taken care of. As Christmas of 1985
approached Laldenga became increasingly homesick.
The Indian Government had made arrangement for his return to London
to spend Christmas with its family. Swamy had even arranged for him to
take Christmas presents for the family. Laldenga was delighted.
While Laldenga was away, RD Pradhan, the Home Secretary visited
Aizwal. Lt. Governor Dubey looked after him and Lalthanhawla, the lunch
for him where he met all his ministers. Besides, the Home Secretary met a
number of political leaders. He found the Mizos warm, friendly and
always smiling.
He flew in a helicopter all over the southern and eastern parts of
Mizoram. He was fascinated by the emerald green forests covering rolling
hills all along the Indo-Burma border. He did a reconnaissance by air
of the areas where the MNA were expected to come out in the open. He
thought of his task to work out a detailed scheme for Laldenga’s army to
enjoy the fruits of freedom.
In the beginning of February 1986, there were reports that Laldenga
was getting restive in London. He started making enquiries at the India
High Commission as when the Government of India wanted him to return.
When Swamy told the Home Secretary that in his desperation Laldenga may
say or do something foolish, he spoke to PM. He sent a message and got
Laldenga back in Delhi.
No longer, the Home Secretary had initiated talking about the scheme
to enable Laldenga’s army to come out. Talking of the surrender of MNA
personnel the former became conscious of the inner turmoil a ‘soldier’
must undergo when, after two decades of insurgency, he is asked to
disarm. To ensure that there was no feelings of humiliation, the Home
Secretary worked out a drill. As the MNA members crossed the border at
Parva, situated in the southern most point, each person would enter a
hut and deposit all his arms inside. He would come on and walk for a
couple of hundred metres before being met by the Indian army personnel.
The act of laying down arms was to be made in privacy so that there
would be no humiliation.
Laldenga appreciated all the consideration shown to his army
personnel and the acities that would be awarded to them, once they came
out. The Home Secretary’s objective was clear : to let MNA’s so called
commander-in-chief known that the Union Home Secretary was a reasonable
and sensitive person, he respected a soldier – even a rebel. If the
accord did not come about, it was because of the unreasonable attitude
of their Chief, Laldenga.
There was yet another reason. It was not sure whether the MNA would
honour the peace accord reached by Laldenga with Government of India.
For several years, Laldenga was living in comfort, far away from his
hard-core followers, who were somehow surviving for over two decades in
one of the most in hospitable jungles of South-East Asia. His devited
aide Zoramthang was at that time with the MNA and much would depend on
his influence with so-called army officers. It was the assurance of the
Home Secretary that Laldenga, through his trusted emissaries, could
establish contact with Zoramthanga and get firm, assurances from the
latter that all MNA personnel would come out with their arms and
ammunition. Once that was assured, the Home Secretary would take firm
steps to move forward to reach the accord.
In the beginning of June, the Home Secretary told Rajiv Gandhi that
the time was ripe to put pressure on Laldenga. Arjun Singh, the Vice
President of the Congress Party took responsibility to deal with
Laldenga for political matters. An ace diplomat Arjun Singh kept him
talking. On 25 June Rajiv Gandhi asked the Chief Minister Lalthanhawla
to be present with his entire cabinet. A political agreement was signed
between Arjun Singh, the congress (I) Vice President and Laldenga in the
presence of the Congress President and the Chief Minister and his
colleagues. These outlined the coalition arrangements in the Interim
Advisory council to the Lt. Governor of the Union Territory. That was
the first time Rajiv Gandhi met Laldenga since R.D. Pradhan, the Home
Secretary took over negotiations, but refused to talk to him about the
details of the ongoingnegotiations.
That morning, before signing the agreement with the Congress(I),
Laldenga came over to meet the Home Secretary. He was in a happy mood.
He was already seeing the light at the end of the tunnel. He told the
Home Secretary of high hopes and jubilation in Aizawl and other places
in Mizoram. The Home Secretary took Laldenga to Buta Singh, the Home
Minister and they assured him of an early solution to the pending
issues. That evening the Cabinet Committee on Parliamentary Affairs was
briefed of the stage of negotiations. The Home Secretary was authorised
to push ahead. Now a satisfactory political arrangement had been worked
out.
The Home Secretary, RD. Pradhan was due to retire from service on
30th June, 1986. He also wanted to complete the task before laying down
his office. He found himself captivated by Laldenga’s enigmatic
personality and the easy informality of a Mizo who had, by that time
begun to trust him.
June 27 was the birthday of RD. Pradhan, the Home Secretary. He
invited Laldenga for a cup of tea and told him that in three days he
would lay down office. It was for Laldenga to consider seriously whether
he was willing to agree on the terms suggested to him. He assured the
Home Secretary that he would go back to his legal advisor, SwarajKawshal
and also speak to his colleagues, most of who were in Delhi. The Home
Secretary did not hear from his for two days.
Around 2:30 PM on the 30th June, Laldenga came to see the Home
Secretary alone. This was the first time he had done so. The Home
Minister had done so. The Home Ministry had arranged a farewell
function, when Buta Singh and other ministers had been invited.
The Home Secretary nostalgically recalled to Laldenga their first
meeting in his office and about the mutual trust and understanding that
they had developed, as two individuals. One cup of tea, he said,
“Mr.Laldenga, I have fallen in love with your land and the Mizos.
Perhaps one day, very soon, I can greet you and your family there.”
Laldenga became emotional. After a pause to clear his throat he said “I wish I could have concluded the accord with you.”
The Home Secretary said, “It’s too late. In three hours I will not
only leave this office but stand retired from government service.” But
suddenly he said, “Laldenga, if you are ready to be flexible, perhaps we
can reach a settlement before I leave this office. You could later sign
the accord with my success.” He added most sincerely“But as a friend, I
ought to warn you that if you do not have a settlement with me, you may
have to go on discussing pending issues with my successors for years to
come. I do not know how many.”
Laldenga appeared anxious and said “Can I consult my colleagues and
come back to you?” The Home Secretary replied, “Please go ahead but
return before 4:30 PM. Thereafter I must go and bid farewell to the Home
Minister and the Prime Minister and be back for the function in the
Ministry.” Replied the Home Secretary.
Laldenga left in a hurry. The Home Secretary and his Joint Secretary
felt that a breakthrough was in sight. The Joint Secretary adarised the
Ministry officials to postpone the farewell to the next day, the reason
of which is known to him only.
The Home Secretary spoke to the Home Minister and quickly briefed the
PM. He was asked to persist in his efforts and not lay down office.
At 4:30 Laldenga came over with his team. In less than one hour they
sorted out their differences of perception on outstanding matters and
cleared a draft. A couple of really vital points were left for the final
decision of the Prime Minister, on the clear understanding that none of
the matters settled between them would be reopened by Laldenga in his
meeting with the PM. The Home Secretary warned him that the clock was
ticking away for him.
A short while later, both the Home Secretary and Laldenga went over
to 7 Race Course Road, the PM quickly cleared the two pending points.
The Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs met at short notice and
approved the draft of the agreement, with the task accomplished, the
Home Secretary bade goodbye to the Ministers. As he was about to take
his final farewell of the PM, the latter said, “Pradhanji you have
worked hard in shaping the accord. I want you to sign it before you
retire. Do it within half an hour so that it comes over the 9:30 Prime
Minister TV news. “The Home Secretary was deeply touched at the PM’s
gesture.”
It was already 8:30 PM. The Home Secretary’s mind was very clear that
under the Civil Services Rules, he already stood retired after office
hours and thus he could not affix his signatures to a formal document.
He mentioned the fact to the PM. He looked at the Home Secretary and
said in all seriousness, “Why can’t I give you an extension?”
It was fully within his powers. But the Home Secretary had decided
long back that he must retire on that day. He said to PM, “Sir, have
publicly declared that you will not give any extension to any retiring
office. I would beg to you not to make an exception in my case.”
Rahiv Gandhi was determined. He asked the Home Secretary to consult
the Law Secretary in his presence. The Home Secretary got the Law
Secretary over the RAX. He advised that if the Home Secretary had not
formally handed over charge to his successor, he would stand retired
only at midnight PM was happy. He asked the Home Secretary to hurry over
to his office and sign the accord with Laldenga.
Rajiv Gandhi asked V. George to make all arrangements for Doordarshan
to cover the historic event. He wanted to witness it on the TV screen.
By 9:00 pmLaldenga has arrived with his wife and his colleagues. A
few ministers from Mizoram, including the Chief Minister Lalthanhawla
were already seated at the tong table.
In the short time available, R. Vasudevan had efficiently, prepared
the document titled “Memorandum of Settlement on Mizoram.” They had
affixed their signatures respectively: Laldenga for the MNF,
Lalthanhawla on behalf of the Mizoram government and the Home Secretary
RD. Pradhan on behalf of the Government of India.
Laldenga said a few words into the microphone. The Home Secretary was
overcome with emotion. Here is gist of what he said, “I thank the PM
for allowing me to handle these negotiations. I am grateful to him for
giving me the unique distinction to say farewell to my service career. I
would like to convey over Doordarshan my grateful thanks to the nation
for all the opportunities got to serve it and to seek fulfilment in my
work. I wish the Mizo people all the happiness and prosperity on this
joyous occasion.”
He was grateful to Laldenga as well. He paid his regard as such, “A
realist, Laldenga had fought for a cause, patiently negotiated for an
honourable settlement and clinched peace at the right moment.”
The Home Secretary walked out of Gate No. 4 of the North Block with a
sense of relief. He was happy as he could help the PM to translate his
hope and vision into accords.
In July, 1986, Rajiv Gandhi went to Mizoram himself in quest of
peace. A seventy two hour tour of good will was the follow up to his
Mizo Accord. Laldenga became the joyful leader of the interim
governrment. With the surrender of arms by the Mizo National Front
guerrillas, after 20 years of strife, Rajiv Gandhi promised statehood to
Mizoram, the introduction of Mizo as an official Indian Language.
Gandhi emphasized that the centre would not tolerate renewed violence.
On August 7, 1986, the Indian government conferred statehood on the
territory of Mizoram. The Mizos were also promised constitutional
protection for the religious and social customs and laws of the Mizo
people.
In implementing the Mizo Accord, there had arised some difficulties.
Opposition parties like the Janata party, the BharatiyaJanata Party, The
Communists, and Congress(S) opposed the Mizo Accord, condemning it as
“buying peace from armed rebels” rather than seeing it as a victory for
national interest.
On the other hand, Rajiv Gandhi’s conclusion of the Mizo Accord was
built upon earlier unsuccessful efforts of both Indira Gandhi and Moraji
Desai to bring peace to the region. Rajiv Gandhi had already taken a
view publicly that welfare of the people was more important to him
whether the Congress (I) remained in power in Mizoram or not. (Rajiv
Gandhi – Accords & Discords – P.98) Much of the opposition to the
Mizo Accord was based on politics, not on the Accord, which was the
result of long years of consultation and negotiation. Rajiv’s success
bringing an end to twenty years of sustained jungle warfare was a
victory in itself. It is doubtful that a rebellion of such magnitude
will occur again among the Mizos.
READ MORE - The Mizo Accord
Imphal, Jun 26 : An MBBS student
from Mizoram, Benjamin Laithlamuana, was found hanging in his hostel
room on the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS) premises here
this afternoon.
